Showing posts with label Margaret Somerville. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Margaret Somerville. Show all posts

Sunday, March 18, 2012

Margaret Somerville on the Ineffable


Margaret Somerville | Monday, 19 March 2012

“Open yourself to the ineffable”

A professor offers important advice to students starting out in life.



sunset
Recently the managing editor of a Canadian student newspaper, Rebekah Hebbert (a young woman not unfamiliar to MercatorNet readers), sent me a rather daunting request: "If you had one message/piece of advice/warning for students, what would it be?" What on earth could be important enough to be that “one message”? I decided that what we all know to be important – family, friends, love, trust, loyalty, honesty and so on – should not be the focus of my message. So, I thought long and hard, but then, as I always do when faced with a complex and difficult decision, I decided to “trust my unconscious” – put the issue at the back of my mind and wait. (To do that, by the way, is my first piece of advice!) Here’s the message for students it came up with: You should be open to experiencing amazement, wonder and awe, in as many situations and as often as possible.


For me, such an experience can occur in a myriad of settings. For instance, on a calm, freezing winter night on seeing the full moon reflected in the Fleuve Saint Laurent, or, in early Spring, a sparkling, dew-encrusted spider web on my front terrace or a frozen raindrop on a small blade of grass on the river bank. It can come, in an instant, when watching a video resulting from pointing the Hubble Space Telescope at a seemingly blank patch of sky and detecting over three thousand galaxies at the edge of the universe, each one containing billions of stars. Or it can slowly emerge in musing on how beautiful my cats’ movements are, hearing about startling new scientific research results that provide hitherto unimaginable insights, or watching a ballet.


I believe that experiencing “amazement, wonder and awe” enriches our lives, can help us to find meaning, and can change how we see the world, the decisions we make, especially regarding values and ethics, and how we live our lives. It can put us in touch with the sacred – for some people that’s a “religious sacred”, for others a “secular sacred” – that to which we must not lay waste, but hold in trust for future generations.


I suggest that experiences of “amazement, wonder and awe” can also elicit an existential perception that differentiates those who have that experience from those who don’t in terms of what they regard as ethical or unethical. For instance, if we perceive the transmission of human life, the coming-into-being of a unique new human being, with “amazement, wonder and awe”, we are likely to see it as involving a mystery that must be respected, which will usually exclude abortion and certainly excludes infanticide.  If we do not look at both the unborn child and the born one with amazement, wonder and awe just because they exist and do not perceive that mystery, we are much less likely to see abortion or, as has become apparent very recently, even infanticide, as morally and ethically unacceptable.


Valuing experiences of “amazement, wonder and awe”, and sometimes having them, can also cause us to choose differently, to rearrange our priorities, on a very everyday level, for instance, in relation to choosing our area of work. When we have a choice between taking a job in an area to which we are passionately committed -- one where our heart is -- and one in an area to which we are not committed, but pays much more money, we will be more likely to choose the former, if we want to maximize our chances of experiencing “amazement, wonder and awe”. We can’t manufacture these experiences, but our choices can make them more – or less – likely to occur.


I often think, “I can’t have been so lucky, as to have fallen into the work that I do.” I count as one of the major blessings in my life that, even after more than 30 years in the “same job”, almost every morning I walk into my office thinking “What ‘exciting’ experiences will I have today?” Let me explain, however, what I mean.


I place the words “same job” in quotes because in many ways my work is never the “same job”; it continues to evolve in unexpected, challenging and fascinating ways. I believe the possibility for such evolution is something to look for in making a lifetime commitment to a vocation, while keeping in mind that we can’t just sit back and expect that evolution to happen all by itself. To allow it to occur one must be alert to opportunities and open-minded about exploring them. And we need to take calculated risks and not expect upfront guarantees that all our endeavours will reward us, as we might hope they will. I have found that very often the requests that I receive to participate in various projects or events that I believe will be the most exciting and rewarding intellectually and emotionally are often not so, and some events that I reluctantly participate in out of a sense of obligation are such. As a result of this experience, on occasion, I have advised young people to consider accepting a position that does not fit exactly what they believe they want – or deserve - and to see where they can direct it, so as to create new opportunities for themselves. The results are sometimes very surprising and rewarding.


I’ve also placed the word “exciting” in quotes, because I’m using it to cover a very broad range of both positive and negative experiences, both our successes and our mistakes and failures, whether personal, professional, intellectual, emotional or spiritual: we can learn and grow as persons from all of them. I like Thomas Jefferson’s advice: “It’s not your failures that count; it’s what you do with them”. We should not be surprised or depressed by our failures, although, as I well know, sometimes, it can be difficult not to be. That is no way meant to say that we should not take our mistakes seriously and try to avoid the same ones in the future.


To have one’s heart, mind and soul engaged by one’s work, to be excited and fulfilled by what one does, is indeed an extraordinary gift. To be able to be hopeful at the end of the day, that you might have made a tiny contribution to others and a better world is a true privilege. To have had a small, personal experience of the axiom that “one person can make a difference” gives meaning to one’s life and work. And that leads to my next point.


I wasn’t sure in which order to place the words “amazement, wonder and awe”, and in thinking about that I realized they were not necessarily a linear progression, but three different, although connected, entry doors into an experience of transcendence – the experience of feeling that you belong to something larger than just yourself and that what you do or don’t do matters, more than to just yourself.


Such experiences of transcendence can be a powerful antidote to cynicism, in particular, about whether values and ethics matter or will be implemented, in practice. I regard such cynicism as extremely dangerous, as, what I would call, a “secular mortal sin”. It could result in a future world in which no reasonable person would want to live. The antithesis of cynicism is hope, the oxygen of the human spirit. Without hope our human spirit dies; with it we can overcome even seemingly insurmountable obstacles.


Finally, a word that comes to mind is “gratitude”, for the capacity to experience awe, wonder and amazement. As far as we know, this is a uniquely human characteristic and, I believe, of the essence of our humanness. As such, we have obligations to future generations to hold that capacity and the situations that foster it on trust for them and, correlatively, obligations to avoid that which would harm it.


In the last few decades, we have recognized that our physical ecosystem is not indestructible - indeed, it is vulnerable, and can be irreparably damaged - and that we have obligations to future generations with respect to caring for it. The same is true of what we can call our metaphysical ecosystem – the values, principles, attitudes, beliefs, shared stories and so on, on the basis of which we form our society.


Holding our metaphysical ecosystem on trust will require wisdom, wise ethical restraint (the old virtue of prudence) and courage on all our parts, but especially young people, who will be the decision makers of the future and must be the “keepers of our values”. I urge you to become involved in exercising that enormous privilege and obligation, whatever your path in life and wherever it takes you. There is no more worthwhile, important or exciting challenge.


Margaret Somerville is the founding director of the Centre for Medicine, Ethics and Law at McGill University. The above article was first published in the Prince Arthur Herald


Retrieved March 18, 2012 from MercatorNet

Wednesday, December 14, 2011

Euthanasia: Thinly Veiled Propaganda Disguised as a Report


Margaret Somerville | Wednesday, 14 December 2011 
Tipping the scales towards euthanasia
A widely publicized report published by the Royal Society of Canada presents a thoroughly one-sided view.

The Royal Society of Canada Expert Panel on End-of-Life Decision Making recently released its Report to much media attention. The parts of that report we can all agree on, for instance, the need for much better access to palliative care and pain management for terminally ill patients, was not the media’s focus. The panel’s recommendation that euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide (PAS) should be legalized was.

It has generated many calls for a national debate in Canada on these latter issues – mainly, I would guess, if not entirely, from people advocating the legalization of euthanasia. In entering such a debate and deciding whether they agree with this recommendation, it’s important for Canadians to understand the weaknesses of the Report.

The Panel’s mandate included the following direction: “The public would… benefit greatly from having a careful, balanced review of various pros and cons of decriminalization of physician-assisted death from well-reasoned ethical and legal standpoints.” The Report comes nowhere near fulfilling this mandate. It’s a pro-euthanasia manifesto – to paraphrase an advocate for disabled people speaking in another context, it’s “thinly veiled euthanasia and assisted suicide propaganda disguised as an expert report”.

This is not surprising in view of who the authors are. Many are well-known pro-euthanasia advocates and, as the Report is unanimous, one can assume all agree with this stance. The people I know whom the Panel lists as consulting to them are, likewise, pro-euthanasia -- three of them world-leading advocates.

It’s important to understand this is not a Report of the Royal Society of Canada, as many have mistakenly assumed, as that gives it an unmerited credibility. It’s a Report of an expert panel (only one member of which is a fellow of the Royal Society) set up by the Royal Society. The fairness and wisdom of the Royal Society’s choice of panel members must, however, be questioned.

The Report is very far from being a “balanced review” or adequately comprehensive. The arguments against the legalization of euthanasia and PAS are almost entirely absent. Issues are considered almost entirely at the level of the individual. There is almost no discussion of the impact of legalizing euthanasia and PAS at the institutional level -- in particular, the impact on healthcare institutions and professions, and the law – or at the societal level, in particular, on important shared values, such as respect for life. In fact, this value is not discussed, an extraordinary omission considering the topic of the report.

Discussion of abuses is deficient and selective
The discussion of the practices in jurisdictions that have legalized or allow euthanasia and assisted-suicide are seriously deficient and very selective so as to minimize the Report’s coverage of abuses, expansions of justifications for the practices, and other problems or controversies.

For example, the Report indicates there has been one case of the use of euthanasia on disabled babies in the Netherlands. This is probably correct in the short time since the Groningen protocol allowing such euthanasia was formally accepted. But, prior to that, an article in the New England Journal of Medicine documents 22 cases of babies with spina bifida being euthanized, which is not mentioned. Such “pro-euthanasia presentations” of the facts are concerning and misleading. Likewise, the availability in the Netherlands of euthanasia for children is not mentioned. The combination of euthanasia and donation of organs for transplant in Belgium and the recent case in Flanders of “joint euthanasia” of a terminally ill man and his healthy wife are ignored. And a survey of Belgian physicians who had carried out euthanasia, published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, which showed 32 percent of those physicians had carried out euthanasia without the patient’s request or consent is never mentioned.

The system set up under the Oregon Death with Dignity Act is presented as largely problem-free. The literature describing problems, for instance, articles and book chapters by renowned pain specialist and head of palliative care at Memorial Sloane Kettering, Dr Kathleen Foley, and Dr Herbert Hendin, a New York psychiatrist specializing in suicide prevention, is likewise totally ignored.

And although Canadian psychiatrist Dr Harvey Max Chochinov’s research is referenced, his ground-breaking work in the psychiatry of dying people, what helps them and what they want, is not discussed.

Through the lens of individual autonomy
The authors make an assumption that individual autonomy, implemented through “informed choice”, is always the prevailing value and construct their case for euthanasia and PAS from there. They do not consider that for many people some other value might prevail – for example, respect for human life which requires that we don’t kill each other, except when unavoidable to save life -- and what line of argument and decision outcomes that would result in.

In short, the authors have adopted a basic assumption, from which, as they state, everything else they accept and recommend flows, without adequately justifying doing so and not even mentioning the possible alternatives.

The essential difference between the pro and anti euthanasia positions is that the former gives priority to individual autonomy over respect for life, the latter does the opposite. We should keep in mind, here, that we are not just talking about the value of respect for each individual human life, important as that is, but also, respect for human life in general. The authors refer to the Charter as the primary source of our shared values: Apart from any other claims on behalf of the value of respect for life, it is one of the values enshrined in the Charter.

There is a strong emphasis in the Report on the burden and healthcare costs of an aging population and the Report gives the impression that euthanasia and PAS will help to resolve this “problem”. The authors note that euthanizing people “in advanced stages of dementia” will be an issue to be addressed in the future. In other words, they don’t reject the possibility that this might be acceptable.

The Report doesn’t mention survey results, such as those from an Environics poll, which last year (2010) asked over 2000 Canadians what the government priority should be - legalizing euthanasia or improving end-of-life care, or both. Seventy-one percent said improving end-of-life care and 19 percent said legalizing euthanasia, and 5 percent said both (the remainder were Did not know/Neither).

What about elder abuse?
Because the Report seems to have a special focus on aging, I note that the Environics polls also showed Canadians are very concerned about elder abuse if euthanasia or PAS is legalized. The 2011 poll expressly asked about "elder abuse" and 76 percent of respondents said they were concerned about it, if euthanasia were legalized. The 2010 poll did not expressly ask about "elder abuse", but did ask a question where 78 percent of respondents said they were concerned that elderly persons (disabled and sick persons too) would be euthanized without consent. To another 2010 question, 63 percent said they were concerned elderly persons could be pressured to accept euthanasia in order to reduce health care costs.

The authors recognize their position involves an inconsistency in that they champion individual autonomy as the prevailing value, but clearly will place limits on its exercise and not recognize the validity of the choice to die of all autonomous, competent adults.

But, if individual autonomy trumps all other considerations, then why is there a need any other justification for euthanasia? Simply wanting to be dead and consenting to it should be sufficient: “Over 70 and tired of life”, as proposed in The Netherlands, would suffice. And why, even, does the person need to be “over 70”? What about the broken hearted 18-year-old whose first love has abandoned her; why can’t she exercise her autonomy to have assistance committing suicide?
And if there’s a right to commit suicide, then there is a duty not to interfere with people exercising that right. How then can we justify treating people brought to an emergency room who have attempted suicide?

The usual “confusions” used to promote the case for euthanasia are all present in the Report: equating all acts and omissions; arguing there is no difference between killing and allowing to die; conflating intention and motive in relation to desired and unwanted consequences of pain relief treatment; and so on. The opposite arguments are not presented. And the fact that courts and others rely on these distinctions daily in making legal and ethical decisions is ignored.

The section on dignity, which the authors recognize is a prominent concept in the euthanasia debate, is especially biased to the pro-euthanasia arguments and inadequate. In particular, a 2008 major and very comprehensive research report on the concept by the US President’s Commission on Bioethics is not even mentioned.

The above criticisms are not comprehensive, many more could be articulated. Fortunately, in my view, there is a wealth of grounds on which the Report can be easily dismissed.

Margaret Somerville is founding director of the Centre for Medicine, Ethics and Law at McGill University.
Retrieved December 14, 2011 from http://www.mercatornet.com/articles/view/tipping_the_scales_towards_euthanasia

Saturday, December 18, 2010

Wiki-Leaks, Wiki-Leakers, and Wiki-Ethics

"I believe that, overall, WikiLeaks involves grossly unethical conduct, some of which is also illegal." Thus concludes Margaret Somerville, the Samuel Gale Professor of Law, Professor in the Faculty of Medicine, and Founding Director of the Centre for Medicine, Ethics, and Law at McGill University. She has posted a thoughtful and careful analysis of WikiLeaks, its founder Assange, those who stole the documents, and those, like the editors of the New York Times and the Guardian (UK), who colluded, so to speak (and not her expression), in distributing the stolen goods. Her article is available at http://www.mercatornet.com/articles/view/wikileaks_wikileakers_and_wiki-ethics/
and originally appeared in Cardus at http://www.cardus.ca/comment/article/2405/

Somerville's analysis is especially welcome given the thoughtless, indeed adolescent glee with which many otherwise decent people have supported Assange and WikiLeaks. She considers both the claim that WikiLeaks has had advanced the cause of openness in world affairs and also the view that "Assange and WikiLeaks have advanced, and are continuing to advance, the interests of very evil regimes against the interests of (relatively) good ones" and "accuse him of treason, sedition, sabotage, espionage and terrorism" and argue that he should be charged with incitement to commit murder or, indeed, assassinated. But she rejects the latter course of action as unethical except in extreme circumstances that do not and are unlikely to obtain.

Somerville also asks whether Assange's conduct should be considered a form of cyber-terrorism.
The primary goal of terrorism is to disrupt the societies that are attacked and make them fearful. WikiLeaks will result in the disruption of diplomatic exchanges that can be crucial to protecting our societies. It will provide information to those who would do us harm and could assist them in that goal. Finally, it could harm relationships with our allies, all of which could make many of us justifiably fearful. One problem here is that our laws on treason, sedition and so on, have not been updated to take into account possibilities such as WikiLeaks that are opened up by the cyber-world.

Assange's conduct, she argues, "shows the grave threat that just one individual can pose to societies, which is a valid fear in relation to terrorism, in general, and bioterrorism or the use of small nuclear devices, in particular. One terrorist working in his kitchen or home garage can create weapons with enormous destructive potential.

The destructive capacity of contemporary terrorist acts need not, however, involve the detonation of a bomb or use of other weapons of 21st century warfare. We must ask what threat WikiLeaks poses to our general "social capital", the metaphysical entity that consists of the "norms, networks, and trust [that we rely on] for cooperation and mutual benefit . . . [and which] has enormous potential to enable people to act in solidarity for the sake of collective goals"? The clear answer is that it will likely damage every element of it.

In line with Dalrymple's argument about the classically totalitarian aim of abolishing the distinction between public and private spheres (see my previous post and link below), she notes that
Even giving Assange and his co-leakers the benefit of any doubt regarding their claim that WikiLeaks is a force for good, instead of promoting collective good by augmenting social capital, then, WikiLeaks promotes collective harm by depleting social capital. Keep in mind such harm is mainly, or only, to our Western democratic societies. It does not touch other societies that reject our systems of governance, values, and way of life. Indeed, WikiLeaks is likely to assist them.

Somerville, however, is careful to distinguish levels of state and individual, whereas Dalrymple appears to treat the stealing and leaking of state documents by individuals as on a par with the state's opening individuals' letters. But both agree on the threat to liberal democracies and the norms, trust, and rule of law on which they depend and, on the other hand, the potential of Assange's behavior for advancing the cause of the most repressive and totalitarian regimes with which those democracies must deal.

Wednesday, December 15, 2010

The Jurisprudence of Marriage: Margaret Somerville reviews a surprisingly fascinating book

Margaret Somerville | Thursday, 2 December 2010

Scholars turn their minds to marriage
A collection of in-depth essays on a beleaguered institution turns out to be a fascinating read.

The Jurisprudence of Marriage and Other Intimate Relationships | Scott FitzGibbon, Lynn D. Wardle, and A. Scott Loveless (Eds.) | William S. Hein & Co., 2010 | Hardcover, 330 pages | $70
ISBN: 0837738121

I resisted reviewing this book, because, to be utterly frank, I thought I would find it boring, even though I am a lawyer. But being bored was not the only problem I foresaw; I also anticipated that I’d have to be less than enthusiastic about a text edited by two scholars whom I know and respect. So, very reluctantly, I agreed to write a “book note”, which is how I came to read it. But, as the saying goes, “You can’t judge a book by its cover”—or, more precisely in this case, its title. To my complete surprise, I found The Jurisprudence of Marriage and Other Intimate Relationships fascinating and eagerly read it from the first to the last page and learnt a great deal in doing so. I would strongly recommend it to anyone with a professional or personal interest in the contemporary family, its history and legal governance, the forces that are currently influencing it, and what we should and should not do in molding its future.

The book’s focus is the role of the state in the recognition of intimate relationships, especially through marriage. Since the second half of the twentieth century, with the widespread legalization of divorce, changing sexual mores, and openness about homosexuality, this has been and remains a controversial topic in most Western democracies. In dealing with it, we need to ask many questions that include: Should the state be involved at all in marriage? What can the disciplines of history, philosophy, sociology, and psychology, to name just some that are relevant, tell us about marriage? What is the role of marriage in relation to children? When the “best interests” of children and the preferences of adults as to their intimate relationships conflict, which should prevail? Should common law relationships attract legal rights and responsibilities? If so, should they be the same ones that marriage implements? Should same-sex marriage be recognized in law? If so, why should two interdependent relatives, such as sisters, not receive the same privileges, protections, and benefits? Should three or more people be allowed to marry? What is the role of institutional religion in marriage? And so on.

In answering such questions those authors whose chapters in this book endorse a firm conclusion on the subject strongly defend traditional marriage; that is, they believe that marriage should remain restricted to the union of one man and one woman. But the authors, who deal with the issue of legally recognized civil unions, accept that they, too, could be supported.
The authors come from a broad sweep of countries—the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Israel, and Ireland—and while a majority are legal scholars, they bring to bear a wide range of other scholarship—philosophy, history, religious studies, and political science. This adds immensely to the richness of the knowledge, analysis, and insight that the book offers. It probably made it difficult, however, to classify the contributions under themes, although the editors have done so.

Like the book itself, the themes they have chosen have somewhat daunting titles: Part I, “Fundamentals: Basic Goods; Basic Concerns about Marital Relationships”; Part II, “Fundamentals: Implications for the Law”; and Part III, “Social, Political and Doctrinal Attributes and Implications.” While they do not detract from the book, in my view they do not enhance it. Rather, a strength of the book is the diversity of its content and the ability of each chapter to stand alone, which also means the chapters need not be read sequentially. But while that’s true, collectively, the various chapters also make a synergistic contribution. We can understand this if we imagine placing the issue of marriage in the center of a circle and the authors standing along the circumference, each holding a different-colored scholarly light, which they shine on marriage. While each light reveals knowledge from the perspective of its disciplinary focus, what we get from the combination of these lights—that is, from reading the book as a whole—is the white light of trans-disciplinary insight.

Human dignity, veracity, respect
I will now very briefly mention some of the arguments, analyses, and insights to be found in the book, in order to give a sense of what it offers. In Human Dignity: Its Implications for Marriage, the Family, and Society, Professor William Binchy of Trinity College Dublin deals with “the implications for marriage, the family, and society of respect for human dignity … the core value of international human rights instruments” (p. 3). As he points out, human dignity is an “elusive and contested” concept (p. 4). Despite that, indeed possibly because of it, in the last few years it has been increasingly researched and debated in academic circles. He argues that an irrevocable commitment to another person, as in marriage, is the “supreme expression of human freedom” (p. 6) and because that is its nature, respect for human dignity requires respect for that commitment.

Professor Charles Donahue, Jr., of Harvard Law School, provides a rich history of marriage, especially its religious and legal history, in a chapter titled, What Difference Does It Make if Marriage is a Sacrament? The law of marriage in Western societies from the mid-twelfth to the mid-sixteenth centuries was exclusively canon law and it was only in the nineteenth century that an exclusively secular law of marriage emerged (p. 17).

Professor Lynn Wardle of Brigham Young University, one of the editors, reviews, in Gender Neutrality and the Jurisprudence of Marriage, the highly controversial topic of same-sex marriage. He strongly defends the proposition that the dual-gender requirement is necessary in the legal institution of marriage. He documents the fact that many jurisdictions have explicitly rejected same-sex marriage and looks to French and African feminism which, in contrast to feminism in North America, insists “that the law respect, protect, and celebrate gender differences” (p. 46). Wardle argues that opposite-sex and same-sex relationships are fundamentally different and therefore, to treat them as the same as occurs with legalizing same-sex marriage violates the requirements of equal treatment, rather than implementing it as same-sex marriage advocates claim (p. 61).

The richness, breadth, and depth of Helen Alvaré’s scholarship in jurisprudence of the family is patently obvious in her chapter “You Can’t Get There From Here”: A Reply to Proposals to Disestablish Marriage as the Path to Care. A professor at George Mason University School of Law, Alvaré looks to what is required for humans to flourish in the context of heterosexual, intimate relationships and addresses the arguments for and against the deinstitutionalization of marriage, which she opposes. Her analysis looks to anthropology and theology and she makes the point that, in our societies, the institution of marriage is the prime example of “human understanding of the possibility of loving all those who are not kin” (1) (p. 81), and seeing that another human being, to whom we are not related by blood, “could be as important as we perceive our own life to be” (p. 92). Alvaré emphasizes that the welfare of children, in general, is an integral aspect of maintaining marriage as an institution and of restricting it to being between a man and a woman.

It’s impossible to summarize the contribution of another editor, Professor Scott FitzGibbon of Boston College Law School, in “Just Like Little Dogs”: The Law Should Speak with Veracity and Respect, and do any justice to the scope of the learning on which it is based. FitzGibbon’s central point is that mendacity in the law harms all of us, whether as individuals, families, communities, or societies. The example he gives is the Ontario law that ascribes the term spouse to people who are not married to each other (p. 137). Often such strategies are adopted to push through some controversial change in the law by confusing those who can vote on whether the change should be adopted. The area where this is most apparent at present is in relation to legalizing euthanasia.

FitzGibbon’s criticisms bring to mind the words of Humpty Dumpty, in Lewis Carroll’s Through the Looking Glass, when Humpty Dumpty says “When I use a word … it means just what I choose it to mean—neither more nor less.” FitzGibbon points out that “mendacity and disrespect often seem to go together” (p. 116), which caused me to ponder the connection between respect for others and respect for human dignity. Certainly, we do not respect those to whom we lie or their human dignity, a reality that politicians and public officials need to have more clearly in mind.
The discussion of the connection between mendacity and respect also brought to mind relatively recent changes in the concept of trust. We have moved from “blind trust” (trust me because I know what’s best for you) to “earned trust” (trust me because I will show that you can trust me). The latter is much more respectful of the trustor. FitzGibbon says we now have “respect lite,” that is, respect that is not based on merit (p. 116). In short, we have moved from “earned respect” to “blind respect,” that is, in the opposite direction from that we have taken in relation to trust.

The state’s interest in marriage
Professor Richard Stith of Valparaiso School of Law, writing On the Legal Validation of Sexual Relationships, looks at the reasons why the state has an interest in heterosexual marriage and not in other intimate relationships, including sexual ones, and, in my opinion, rightly argues it’s because of the potential for procreation the former entails. He insightfully points out that marriage removes “any remnant of legal or moral disapprobation” of sexual intercourse (p. 149). One reason same-sex marriage advocates have sought its legalization is to achieve just that outcome in relation to “gay sex.” Stith also points out that fidelity has a different meaning in same-sex committed relationships as compared with opposite-sex ones: the same-sex partners are committed to their relationship, but not necessarily to monogamous sexual relations.

But I disagree with Stith’s proposal “to tailor marriage more closely to fertility” and to exclude opposite-sex couples too old to have children from marriage, so “same-sex people would no longer feel alone in not having their sexual relationships validated by the state” (p. 163). He overlooks the fact that all married couples who live long enough become infertile (would he suggest their marriages be annulled?), that infertile opposite-sex couples do not breach the procreative symbolism of marriage as same-sex couples do, and that grandparents have an on-going role to play in natural families.

The issue of whether the rights, responsibilities, and privileges that marriage entails should be extended to include cohabiting couples is addressed by Professor Shahar Lifshitz of the faculty of law at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. In Spousal Rights and Spousal Duties: The Liberal Case for Privileging Marriage, he argues they should not be extended because the law has a special interest in fostering formally committed relationships, which have a higher level of commitment, and that it’s in the public interest for the law to do so. Moreover, to impose obligations on people who cohabit is a breach of their rights to autonomy and freedom. He recognizes, however, that the law also has a valid interest in ensuring justice and protecting weak and vulnerable people, especially children; consequently, he argues for a “partial application of marriage laws” to achieve these goals of protection (p. 187).

Professor Robert John Araujo, S.J., of Loyola University, Chicago, analyzes the case-law on homosexuality and same-sex marriage in Same-Sex Marriage—From Privacy to Equality: The Failure of the “Equality Justifications for Same-Sex Marriage. He criticizes the judgments he examines from a Natural Law perspective, which leads him to “the inexorable conclusion that the argument based on equality cannot sustain the institution of same-sex marriage” (p. 196). While I agree with his conclusion, arguments based on legal positivism—a philosophy of law that he adamantly rejects— need to be considered. At the heart of the conflict between Natural Law and legal positivism, in relation to marriage, is disagreement as to whether marriage is a natural institution that is recognized and protected by the law, in particular in order to protect the children who can result from the union of a man and a woman, or it is a social construct, open to whatever legal definition we might choose to give it, that is, created through the law. Like Araujo, I believe it is the former, but same-sex marriage advocates believe it is the latter, and we need to give adequate consideration to their claims.

In a thought-provoking chapter, Susan Shell, professor and chair of the Department of Political Science at Boston College, writes on The Future of the Liberal Family. She starts by noting the decline in birth rates across the Western world and describes the changes in the nature of paternal and political authority from the emergence of early liberal thought to the present. She notes the shift from children’s obligations to their parents to children’s rights (p. 242) and explains that liberal societies depend on the family to perform, in private, tasks such as inculcating liberal norms in children in order to “secure both the liberal freedoms that we treasure and the powerful but limited government needed to support them” (p. 252).

Shell recognizes that “individuals today enjoy a moral latitude that is interwoven with our bedrock conceptions of liberal justice” and, therefore, “any simple return to earlier models [of the family]” is dubious (p. 252). She says we need to see marriage “for what, civically speaking, it is: an institution necessary to the long term flourishing and perpetuation of a liberal society” (p. 253). And she describes the characteristics of a special role for “liberal fatherhood” in children’s lives: “They must perform the difficult task of guiding without ruling; they must teach their children to respect authority when it is reasonably and rightly exercised and to oppose it when it is abused. They must impose discipline on their children without cowing them or inhibiting their initiative.” (p. 253).

The sidelining of nature
Professor Daniel Cere’s exegesis on The Problem of “Nature” in Family Law is another chapter the richness of which can only be appreciated by reading it. A member of the faculty of religious studies at McGill University, Cere outlines how the law has been used to transform the human body from natural to legal. “The claims and constraints of ‘nature’ are pushed aside; bodies are now the offspring of law. … [Legal] discourse gives us the normative categories through which the body becomes meaningful and visible” (p. 261). With this we see the rise of the idea that the natural world is constituted by the legal; that is, that law, not nature, is primary (p. 261). We can observe this premise in overt operation in the Civil Marriage Act 2005, which legalized same-sex marriage in Canada. It provided that where the term “natural parent” appeared in certain legislation, it was to be replaced by “legal parent.”

Cere addresses the issue, already mentioned, at the heart of the same-sex marriage debate: namely, whether marriage is a cultural and legal institution built around a core natural reality—the capacity of one man and one woman to have a child—or whether it is simply a cultural construction that can be whatever we decide to define it to be. He explores the arguments on both sides and documents how “challenge to arguments concerning the natural dimensions of opposite-sex bonding proceeds less by critical counter-argument than by ‘nature ignoring’ lines of argument” (p. 272).

Cere concludes: “The appeal to ‘nature’ can be restrictive, reactionary, and even repressive. However, the appeal to ‘nature’ can also prove to be a cautionary stance against human hubris and, at times, a liberating stance against oppressive human ‘constructions.’” (p. 289). I suggest it functions in the latter way when used to justify restricting marriage to the union of one man and one woman, because in doing so it allows us, as societies, to uphold children’s rights and “best interests” with regard to their biological origins and family structure. Although same-sex marriage would benefit same-sex couples, it would be destructive of these rights of children, in general, and harmful to their “best interests.” The strongest arguments for same-sex marriage are at the level of individuals and their rights to autonomy and self-determination in implementing their preferences regarding what constitutes a family. The strongest arguments against it are at institutional and societal levels in relation to the norms that define a family and what is best, in this regard, for children.

The Baroness (Ruth) Deech, a member of the British House of Lords who was formerly chair of the Human Fertilization and Embryology Authority of the United Kingdom, discusses Cousin Marriage from the perspectives of genetic risks, eugenics, religion, culture, and law. She sets out the arguments for and against it and recognizes that it’s not just a matter for individuals or of personal preference, but also a question of what’s needed in this regard for a healthy society. She points out that “[e]ugenics has become a word that sums up the greatest of evils ... [and includes] being forbidden to marry certain others or reproduce because there is a likelihood of less-than-ideal children” (pp. 291–292), which makes it “very difficult to discuss cousin marriage.” She explains the difficult situation of immigrant women who do not speak English, who are planning to marry a first cousin and rely on the man as a translator when seeking genetic counseling—“he may not tell her awkward facts about genetics” (p. 295). Even if he does, she might not understand genetic risk and she and her future husband may reject premarital genetic testing, even though babies with genetic disabilities have already been born into the family from first cousin marriage.

Whether legal prohibition of cousin marriage is defensible is an open question. It’s a question of what limitations on liberty are justifiable. This depends, to some extent, on how high the risks are in cousin marriage of having children with genetic disabilities and what alternatives to banning it are available to reduce these risks. Baroness Deech proposes that reproductive technologies could be used to avoid some disabilities, but she acknowledges that prenatal screening and abortion are not options for doing so for people who find them morally objectionable or contrary to their religious beliefs. In the final chapter, Sisterly Love: The Importance of Explicitly Assumed Commitment in the Legal Recognition of Personal Relationships, Barrister Oran Doyle, a lecturer at Trinity College Dublin, presents an interesting argument. He addresses the issue that if same-sex relationships between homosexuals are recognized by law, what is the justification for not recognizing personal but non-sexual relationships, such as those between sisters (p. 308)? He examines a United Kingdom case, the Burden case, in which two elderly sisters who had lived together all their lives argued “that they were in a similar or analogous position to cohabiting married and civil partnership couples for the purposes of inheritance tax” (p. 312) and that not to extend to them the same benefits enjoyed by those other couples was discrimination. The courts up to and including the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights rejected their claim.

Doyle looks at what distinguishes traditional marriage and same-sex intimate relationships from relationships between siblings, such as the Burdens. He concludes that “It’s not the having sex; it’s the explicit assumption of commitment (p. 322, emphasis added). The State underwrites that “publicly stated ... lifelong, exclusive commitment” in legally recognizing it, which “transforms that commitment into a different species from all other commitments which we explicitly undertake or unintentionally assume” (p. 323). In other words, “legally underwritten commitment is a qualitatively different kind of commitment” (p. 324). Doyle proposes that the law’s interest in underwriting these commitments “presumably derives from the concern of a State, even a liberal State, to support its citizens in assuming the primary responsibility to care for each other”. (p. 325).

Doyle recognizes that sisters are legally forbidden to marry and not allowed to enter civil partnerships; that is, they can’t make such a commitment. He suggests that the Burden sisters should have argued that the prohibition on entering a civil partnership was discriminatory, but admits that their seeking to do so does not seem appropriate. I suggest that is because they are already bonded by the one and only unbreakable bond, genetic relationship, which, at least traditionally, carries commitment obligations and privileges, some of which are declared in the law and apply whether or not a person publicly commits to them.

To conclude: As I said at the beginning this is, indeed, a fascinating book, which has the added merit of raising many other important and pertinent questions that need further thought and research. It deserves a wide, large, and thoughtful readership.

Margaret Somerville is the Samuel Gale Professor of Law, Professor in the Faculty of Medicine, and Founding Director of the Centre for Medicine, Ethics, and Law at McGill University

Notes:
1. Quoting DON BROWNING, BONNIE J. MILLER-MCLEMORE, PAMELA D. COUTURE, K. BRYNOLF LYON, & ROBERT M. FRANKLIN, FROM CULTURE WARS TO COMMON GROUND: RELIGION AND THE AMERICAN FAMILY DEBATE (2nd ed.), 302–303 (2000).

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Retrieved December 5, 2010 from http://www.mercatornet.com/articles/view/scholars_turn_their_minds_to_marriage/